Singapore’s Constitutional Commission: Altering the Elected Presidency to Ensure Multiracialism

By Dr. Jaclyn L. Neo

Assistant Professor of Law, National University of Singapore

First published on ConstitutionNet on 30 September 2016

In February 2016, and only for the second time since Singapore’s independence, the government convened a Constitutional Commission to consider changes to the constitution. Led by Chief Justice Sundaresh Menon, the commission was tasked to consider and recommend constitutional changes to safeguard minority representation in the Presidency. This was one of its three tasks, the other two of which were to review the eligibility criteria for presidential candidates and to review the framework governing the exercise of the President’s custodial powers, particularly the role and composition of the Council of Presidential Advisers (see its Terms of Reference).

Safeguarding minority interests as a necessary aspect of peaceful coexistence among the different racial groups is a frequent fixation of the government in multiracial Singapore. Demographic data in 2015 shows that persons of Chinese ethnicity constitute more than three quarters of the total citizen population (at 76.2%) while Malays form the largest minority at 15%, followed by those of Indian descent at 7.4%. Eurasians are classified along others as “Others”, which together constitute 1.4% of the citizen population. Indeed, the safeguarding of minority rights was also a concern for the first constitutional commission convened in 1965 and chaired by Singapore’s first post-independence Chief Justice Wee Chong Jin. That commission was tasked to consider how the rights of minorities can be adequately safeguarded in the Constitution. There, the Commission opted for a strong emphasis on equal individual rights for all. In recent years, however, there has been a shift from individual rights to protective measures aimed at groups. The Group Representation Constituency (GRC) scheme, for instance, is one such measure that the government adopted to ensure minority representation in Parliament. Under the scheme, certain constituencies are contested on a team basis in parliamentary elections with at least one member belonging to a designated minority group.

In its report released on 7 September 2016, the Constitutional Commission recommended a model of reserved elections for the presidency to safeguard minority rights. This means that if there has not been an office holder from a racial group for more than five consecutive terms of six years each, then only candidates from that particular group can contest the next election. While it was not within its Terms of Reference, the Commission also recommended that the presidency be reverted to its previously nominated, as opposed to elected, form as it opined that this was better suited for its symbolic function as a unifying figure for all races in Singapore. The government has, however, emphatically stated that this specific reversal is not an option.

By instituting safeguards for minority representation, the government seeks to reaffirm and strengthen the presidency’s symbolic function as a unifying figure for all racial groups in Singapore. However, this symbolic function sits uneasily with the elected nature of the presidency and changes to ensure that minority candidates would be elected as President would necessarily restrict political choice.

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Wielding “Real Power” to Disagree: Amendments to the Council of Presidential Advisers Framework

The Istana, Singapore,

The Istana, which is the official residence of the President of Singapore. (By Sengkang [copyrighted free use], via the Wikimedia Commons.)

Benedict Chan Wei Qi
Third-year LLB undergraduate
School of Law, SMU

THE RECOMMENDATIONS of the Constitutional Commission on the Elected Presidency have generated much national debate even before they are tabled before Parliament. While the spotlight has largely been on the recommendations relating to securing minority representation in the nation’s highest office, perhaps we should also pay heed to the wise men and women behind the decisions of the Elected President – the Council of Presidential Advisors (“CPA”).

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Who Is an Elected President?

President S. R. Nathan on 31 December 2006

President S R Nathan (1924–2016). (Photographed in December 2006 by Calvin Teo, CC-BY-SA-3.0 via the Wikimedia Commons.)

Dr Jack Tsen-Ta Lee
Assistant Professor of Law
School of Law, SMU

REPORTING the death of former President S R Nathan at the age of 92 on 22 August 2016, The Straits Times of 23 August stated in the first paragraph on its front page that he was “Singapore’s first elected and longest-serving president”.[1]

It was soon pointed out that the first presidential election was held in 1993 and led to Ong Teng Cheong being elected to the highest office in the land. (ST couldn’t change its print edition, of course, but did update its website by removing the words first elected and, and publish a correction in the next day’s newspaper.)[2]

However, some have questioned whether Nathan can be regarded as having been ‘elected’ at all, since the 1999 and 2005 elections he had participated in had been walkovers – he had been the only candidate declared eligible by the Presidential Elections Committee.

This raises an interesting question: who can be considered an elected President?

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Recent Judicial Comments on the Basic Structure of the Constitution

By Swati Jhaveri (Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore)

The idea of the “basic structure” of the Constitution of Singapore has been the subject of ongoing deliberation in the courts since the case of Teo Soh Lung v Minister for Home Affairs[1].  The Constitution of Singapore can be amended by a two-thirds majority (a national referendum is only required where the issue is one of the relinquishment of sovereignty).  Due to the presence of a strong majority by one political party in the legislature this may not be a significant hurdle especially as voting is done on the basis of a party whip system.  The question of constitutional entrenchment in a system committed to constitutional supremacy as part of its text (Article 4) is therefore an important one.

This question has been addressed directly by the courts in Singapore in the form of a discussion on the ‘basic features doctrine’.  The language of the “basic features doctrine” comes from Indian constitutional law jurisprudence, most notably the case of Kesavannada Bharati v State of Kerala[2] where the Supreme Court of India held that:

every provision of the Constitution can be amended provided in the result the basic foundation and structure of the Constitution remains the same[3]

The Supreme Court of India has gone on in subsequent cases to identify such fundamental features of the Constitution of India that are beyond the reach of constitutional amendment.[4] The application of this doctrine was first tested in Singapore in the case of Teo Soh Lung v Minister for Home Affairs where the High Court held that:

…the Kesavananda doctrine is not applicable to our Constitution. Considering the differences in the making of the Indian and our Constitution, it cannot be said that our Parliament’s power to amend our Constitution is limited in the same way as the Indian Parliament’s power to amend the Indian Constitution[5]

The High Court took an originalist interpretation of the Constitution to reach this conclusion positing that “[i]f the framers of the Singapore Constitution had intended limitations on the power of amendment, they would have expressly provided for such limitations”.[6] The applicant had tried to argue that constitutional amendments which sought to immunise national security decisions from judicial review violated the basic structure of the Constitution as being in contravention of the rule of law and the separation of powers and relied on the Supreme Court of India’s decision in Minerva Mills[7] to do so.

This remained the position until the recent decision of the Singapore Court of Appeal in the case of Yong Vui Kong v Public Prosecutor[8] (Yong Vui Kong).  The applicant in the case had been convicted for trafficking drugs under the Misuse of Drugs Act and received the mandatory sentence of the death penalty under that legislation[9].   The legislation was subsequently amended to permit the imposition of a mandatory life sentence and not less than 15 strokes of the cane.  The applicant was accordingly re-sentenced.  He sought to challenge the caning part of his re-sentence on the grounds that it was a form of torture and violated Article 9 (protection of liberty) as being a form of punishment that was contrary to “law”; and that caning was discriminatory in its application to men and therefore violated Article 12 which protected equality of persons before the law.   The relevant challenge for present purposes was the argument that (having failed to convince the court on his arguments under Articles 9 and 12) “a prohibition against torture and inhuman punishment should be read into the Constitution because such practices violate “first principles of natural law””[10].  The applicant sought to rely on the case of Mohammad Faizal bin Sabtu v PP where the High Court referred to the principle of the separation of powers as part of the ‘basic structure’ of the Constitution:

[t]he Singapore Constitution is based on the Westminster model of constitutional government (‘the Westminster model’), under which the sovereign power of the State is distributed among three organs of state, viz, the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary…the sovereign power of Singapore is shared among the same trinity of constitutional organs, viz, the Legislature (comprising the President of Singapore and the Singapore parliament), the Executive (the Singapore government) and the Judiciary (the judges of the Supreme Court and the Subordinate Courts). The principle of separation of powers, whether conceived as a sharing or a division of sovereign power between these three organs of state, is therefore part of the basic structure of the Singapore Constitution… All Constitutions based on the Westminster model incorporate the principle of separation of powers as part of their constitutional structure in order to diffuse state power among different organs of state[11].

The Court of Appeal accepted in Yong Vui Kong that this case had introduced the idea that certain aspects of the Constitution are part of its’ ‘basic structure’ into the jurisprudence of Singapore.  To this the Court of Appeal added that the right to vote may also possibly be part of the basic structure of the Constitution[12] acknowledging their earlier decision on this issue in the case of Vellama d/o Marie Muthu v AG[13].  There the Court of Appeal had held that citizens had a right to a representative in Parliament in the Westminster model of government that is part of the inherent framework of the Constitution.  Using these examples, the Court of Appeal concluded in Yong Vui Kong that in order for something to be part of the “basic structure” of the Constitution “it must be something fundamental and essential to the political system that is established thereunder” (emphasis added) [14].

There are, therefore, two revelations thus far about the “basic structure” concept in Singapore.  First, for something to be considered the ‘basic structure’ of the Constitution it must be intrinsically linked to the political system of Singapore.  Therefore, the basic structure idea was unhelpful in the Yong Vui Kong case as the purported prohibition under torture was not so linked[15].  Secondly, the Court of Appeal in Yong Vui Kong held that any such aspect of the Constitution was part of the ‘basic structure’ of the Constitution rather than the ‘basic features doctrine’ (per Kesavannanda).  They confirmed that they were not going to make any decision on the effect of declaring something part of the basic structure of the Constitution[16].  Namely, whether it had the same impact as something considered to be part of the basic features doctrine in India whereby it is beyond the parliamentary amendment process applicable to the remaining features and provisions of the relevant constitutional document.

However, despite these limitations the further concretisation in Yong Vui Kong of the idea that the Constitution has a ‘basic structure’ is an important development in the constitutional jurisprudence of Singapore.  This is especially apparent when we evaluate the developing content of the various aspects of the Constitution that have already been identified as part of the basic structure.  This includes the idea of the separation of powers.[17]  The most recent discussion of this was in the case of Tan Seet Eng v Attorney-General[18].  Previously when the doctrine was elicited it was used as a tool of judicial restraint.  For example, in the case of Lee Hsien Loong v. Review Publishing Co Ltd[19], the High Court elaborated on the idea of non-justiciability (as part of its obiter and in rejecting the application of a media privilege against liability for defamation) and in doing so held that:

[i]n all cases of judicial review, the court should exercise restraint and take cognisance of the fact that our system of government operates within the framework of three co-equal branches; even though all exercise of power must be within constitutional and legal bounds, there are areas of prerogative power that the democratically elected Executive and Legislature are entrusted to take charge of and in this regard it is to the electorate and not the Judiciary that the Executive and Legislature are ultimately accountable.[20]

However, in the case of Tan Seet Eng a shift is apparent in the use of the idea of co-equality of the three branches as part of the separation of powers as being in support of judicial review rather than judicial deference.  There the Court of Appeal observed that:

the specific responsibility for pronouncing on the legality of government actions falls on the Judiciary. It is appropriate at this juncture to parse this. To hold that this is so is not to place the Judiciary in an exalted or superior position relative to the other branches of the government. On the contrary, the Judiciary is one of three co-equal branches of government. But though the branches of government are co-equal this is so only in the sense that none is superior to any other while all are subject to the Constitution. Beyond this, it is a fact that each branch of government has separate and distinct responsibilities. In broad terms, the Legislature has the power to make the laws of our land, and this power extends even to amending the foundation of our entire legal system and indeed, of our nation, the Constitution. The Executive has the power and the responsibility of governing the country within the framework of the laws established by the Legislature. And the Judiciary has the responsibility for the adjudication of controversies which carries with it the power to pronounce authoritatively and conclusively on the meaning of the Constitution and all other laws. It is the nature of this latter responsibility that results in the Judiciary being tasked with the role of pronouncing on the legality of government actions.[21]

This additional layer of explanation to the separation of power is an incremental extension of the explanation provided in earlier cases and is a welcome development of the jurisprudence on the topic.  It will be interesting to observe these developments in future cases as well as further elaborations on the content and scope of the basic structure of the Constitution in Singapore.

Swati Jhaveri teaches constitutional and administrative law at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore.

[1] [1989] 1 SLR(R) 461

[2] AIR 1973 SC 1461

[3] Ibid at [316]

[4] Minerva Mills v. Union Of India and Ors AIR 1980 SC 1789: where the court held that limits on absolute power were a fundamental feature of the Constitution – therefore any constitutional amendment which sought to further enlarge the amendment powers of Parliament and limit judicial power to review was unconstitutional.

[5] Above n[1] at para 47 per FA Chua J (the Court of Appeal did not consider the issue on appeal).

[6] Ibid at para 34

[7] Above, n[4].

[8] [2015] 2 SLR 1158

[9] The applicant sought to challenge that sentence (and the subsequent refusal to grant him clemency) in numerous unsuccessful constitutional challenges: Yong Vui Kong v AG [2011] 2 SLR 1189, CA; Yong Vui Kong v PP [2010] 3 SLR 489; Yong Vui Kong v PP [2012] 2 SLR 872, CA.

[10] Above n[8] at para 38

[11] [2012] 4 SLR 947 at paras 11 and 12 (the court went on to hold that constitutional supremacy and the exclusiveness of judicial power were part of this idea of the separation of powers).  The court eventually concluded that none of these principles were breached by a legislative provision that sought to structure the sentencing ‘discretion’ of the judges in the context of certain drug trafficking offences.

[12] Relying on parliamentary debates where the Government acknowledged this to be the case – see Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Report (16May 2001) vol73 at col1726 (Wong Kan Seng, Minister for Home Affairs and Leader of the House)): “While the Constitution does not contain an expressed declaration of the right to vote, I have been advised by the Attorney General, even before today, that the right to vote at parliamentary and presidential elections is implied within the structure of our Constitution. We have a parliamentary form of government. The Constitution provides for regular general elections to make up Parliament and establishes representative democracy in Singapore. So the right to vote is fundamental to a representative democracy, which we are, and that is why we have the Parliamentary Elections Act to give effect to this right” (emphasis added).

[13] [2013] 4 SLR 1.

[14] Above n[8] at para 70 relying on Calvin Liang and Sarah Shi, “The Constitution of Our Constitution, A Vindication of the Basic Structure Doctrine” Singapore Law Gazette (August2014)12 at paras38 and 46: “The basic structure is intrinsic to, and arises from, the very nature of a constitution and not legislative or even judicial fiat. At its uncontentious minimum, a constitution sets out how political power is organised and divided between the organs of State in a particular society. In other words, the constitution is a power-defining and, therefore, power-limiting tool…the basic structure is a limited doctrine. It is arguable that fundamental rights are not a necessary part of the basic structure of a constitution. This is because fundamental rights relate to rights and liberties of citizens and do not define the limits to the powers of and checks on each organ of the State. What is not fundamental to a constitution cannot form part of its basic structure.

[15] The Court of Appeal was however prepared to recognise the presence of a limited prohibition against torture within Article 9 of the Constitution: liberty could not be deprived on the basis of evidence obtained through methods that constituted torture.

[16] Above n[8] at para 72.

[17] As was done in the case of Mohammad Faizal (above n [11]).

[18] [2015] SGCA 59.

[19] [2007] SGHC 24, [2007] 2 S.L.R.(R.) 453 at 490, para. 98 (which dealt with the question of the proper scope of the law of defamation and its relationship with freedom of expression)

[20] Ibid at para 98(d)

[21] Ibid at para 90

Magna Carta Then and Now: A Symbol of Freedom and Equal Rights for All

1217 Magna Carta (replica)

A replica of Hereford Cathedral‘s 1217 version of Magna Carta. The original was displayed at the Supreme Court of Singapore between 19 and 23 November 2015. (By Damien Chng.)

Eugene K B Tan
Associate Professor of Law

Dr Jack Tsen-Ta Lee
Assistant Professor of Law
School of Law, SMU

WHAT’S THE SIGNIFICANCE and relevance of Magna Carta, an 800-year old handwritten sheepskin parchment that is currently on a world tour having been to New York City, Luxembourg, China (Beijing, Guangzhou, and Shanghai), Hong Kong, and now Singapore?

Magna Carta was never intended as a “great charter” of people’s rights and liberties. In fact, when it was first created on June 15, 1215, it was essentially a peace treaty warding off a civil war. Continue reading

Event announcement: The Magna Carta’s Journey to Singapore: History and the Rule of Law

1217 Magna Carta - Heritage - Visit Britain - Poster (Landscape)When: Monday, 9 November 2015, 6:00 to 7:30 pm (registration begins at 5:30 pm)
Where: Moot Court, NUS Faculty of Law, Bukit Timah Campus (directions to the law school may be found here)

More information about the speakers may be found here, and you can register here (please register by 4 November 2015)

To celebrate the 800th anniversary of the Magna Carta, the Hereford Cathedral Magna Carta is coming to Singapore where it will be displayed at the Supreme Court. In the lead up to this event, NUS Law is convening a discussion on the history and ongoing significance of the Magna Carta to the rule of law in general and to Singapore in particular. Continue reading

Event announcement: Magna Carta Then and Now

1217 Magna Carta - Heritage - Visit Britain - Poster (Landscape)When: Wednesday, 11 November 2015, 7:00 to 8:30 pm (registration begins at 6:30 pm).
Where: Mochtar Riady Auditorium, Singapore Management University,
Level 5, Administration Building, 81 Victoria Street, Singapore 188065.

This event is open to the public. There is no charge to attend the talk, but registration is required.
To register, please click here.

Described as “England’s greatest export”, this year Magna Carta’s 800th birthday is being celebrated the world over. But exactly what is this thing we are commemorating? Was there a single Magna Carta or a series of them? Exactly what does the Charter say? Continue reading